学习英文

杰出人家 2017-08-12

1.The New Forms of Control 第一章 控制的新形式 A comfortable, smooth, reasonable, democraticunfreedom prevails in advanced industrial civilization, a token of technicalprogress. 作为技术进步的标志,一种看似舒适安逸、合理民主的束缚正在工业社会大行其道。 Indeed, what could be more rational than thesuppression of individuality in the mechanization of socially necessary butpainful performances; the concentration of individual enterprises in moreeffective, more productive corporations;the regulation of free competitionamong unequally equipped economic subjects; the curtailment of prerogatives andnational sovereignties which impede the international organization of resources. 的确,在工业机械化的进程中,以下诸现象看起来再合理不过了:对个性进行束缚而非苦累的劳作;小型企业的关注倾向于效率和产能的进一步优化;机器设备状况不一的经济项目受到管控;在资源组织的国际化进程中,各种特权和国家保护主义受到了制约。 That this technological order also involves apolitical and intellectual coordination may be a regrettable and yet promisingdevelopment. 当然,这一技术秩序的确立也涵括了政治和理智上的调和,尽管这种调和让人不甘顺受却也甘之如饴。 The rights and liberties which were such vitalfactors in the origins and earlier stages of industrial society yield to ahigher stage of this society: they are losing their traditional rationale andcontent. 然而,随着工业社会发展阶段的演进,那些起初至关重要的权利和自由正日渐丧失其原来的合理性和内涵。 Freedom of thought, speech, and conscience were- just as free enterprise, which they served to promote and protect -essentially critical ideas, designed to replace an obsolescent material andintellectual culture by a more productive and rational one. 思想、言论和信仰的自由,企图用一种更加多产和合理的文化淘汰物质和脑力的文化。 Once institutionalized,these rights and liberties shared the fate of the society of which they hadbecome an integral part. 这些权利和自由一经制度化,便作为社会不可或缺的一部分和社会同呼吸共命运。 The achievement cancels the premises. 成就抵消了前提。 To the degree to which freedom from want, theconcrete substance of all freedom, is becoming a real possibility, theliberties which pertain to a state of lower productivity are losing theirformer content. 就自由的企盼而言,实现一切自由的有形物质基础,正日渐成为可能实现的事。那种和低生产率相符的自主权,也逐步丧失其原初的内涵。 Independence of thought, autonomy, and theright to political opposition are being deprived of their basic criticalfunction in a society which seems increasingly capable of satisfying the needs ofthe Individuals through the way in which it is organized. 当社会通过其组织方式而似乎越来越能能满足个人需要时,独立之思想、自由之精神、反对政治的权利也逐渐被剥夺了其最基本的批判功能。 Such a society may justly demand acceptance ofits principles and institutions, and reduce the opposition to the discussionand promotion of alternative policies within the status quo. 这样的一个社会可以“正当”地要求人们接受它自身的原则和制度,减少反对的讨论,同时在维持现状的范围内促进可替换政策。 In this respect, it seems to make littledifference whether the increasing satisfaction of needs is accomplished by anauthoritarian or a non-authoritarian system. 由此看来,究竟由极权主义还是非极权主义的体制来满足日益增长的需要似乎没有差别。 Under the conditions of a risingstandard of living, non-conformity with the system itself appears to besocially useless, and the more so when it entails tangible economic andpolitical disadvantages and threatens the smooth operation of the whole. 在生活水准持续提升的状况下,不遵从体制本身看上去对社会并无助益。尤其当这种不遵从带来实实在在的经济和政治上的损失并危及整个社会的顺利运作时,更是如此。 Indeed, at least in so far as thenecessities of life are involved, there seems to be no reason why theproduction and distribution of goods and services should proceed through thecompetitive concurrence of individual liberties. 的确,起码以生活必需品为例,我们似乎没有理由认为一定要继续由个人自由的竞争性联合来进行商品和服务的生产和分配。 Freedom of enterprise was from the beginning not altogether a blessing. 企业的自由经营从一开始就不完全是一种福祉。 As the liberty to work or to starve, itspelled toil, insecurity, and fear for the vast majority of the population. 这种不是工作就是挨饿的自由,招致绝大多数人艰辛、无保障和焦虑。 If the individual were no longercompelled to prove himself on the market, as a free economic subject, thedisappearance of this kind of freedom would be one of the greatest achievementsof civilization. 如果个体不再如同一件自由商品那般被迫在市场上证明自己,那么这种自由的消失将会是文明最伟大的成就之一。 【阿掰猜呆】:要是不用工作就能自由自在地活着,该有多带劲啊! The technological processes of mechanizationand standardization might release individual energy into a yet uncharted realmof freedom beyond necessity. 机械化和标准化的技术进程足以解放个体的精力,这样就有机会进入一个超越生活基本需求的未知领域。 The very structure of human existencewould be altered; the individual would be liberated from the work world'simposing upon him alien needs and alien possibilities. 人类生存的固有模式将会改变;个体也得以从劳作世界强加于其上的异化的需求和可能性中解脱出来。 The individual would be free to exertautonomy over a life that would be his own. 这样,个体就能自主地掌控自己的生活。 If the productive apparatuscould be organized and directed toward the satisfaction of the vital needs, itscontrol might well be centralized; such control would not prevent individualautonomy, but render it possible. 如果富于效率的机构能够被组织起来,并直接致力于满足生命基本需求的生产,这样的控制最好有核心领导力;这种控制并不会妨碍个体的自由,反而使其成为一种可能。 This is a goal within the capabilities ofadvanced industrial civilization, the “end” of technological rationality. 这是发达工业文明力所能及的目标,也是技术理性主义的“终结”。 In actual fact, however, the contrarytrend operates: the apparatus imposes its economic and politicalrequirements for defense and expansion on labor time and free time, on thematerial and intellectual culture. 然而,事实却是往相反的方向发展:生产机构把它们在经济和政治上无论是防御还是扩张的需求,强加于其成员的工作时间和自由时间之上,强加于物质和脑力的文化之上。 By virtue of the way it has organizedits technological base, contemporary industrial society tends to betotalitarian. 当代社会凭借这种组织其技术基础的方式,正逐步向极权主义发展。 For “totalitarian” is not only aterroristic political coordination of society, but also a non-terroristiceconomic-technical coordination which operates through the manipulation ofneeds by vested interests. “极权主义”不只是社会中一种恐怖的政治协作,也可以是一种非恐怖式的“经济—技术”协作,后者借助既得利益者对各种需求的操控而落实。 It thus precludes the emergence of aneffective opposition against the whole. 因而,这种极权方式让针对整个社会的有效反对不能浮出水面。 Not only a specific form of governmentor party rule makes for totalitarianism, but also a specific system of productionand distribution which may well be compatible with a “pluralism” of parties,newspapers, “countervailing powers,” etc. 不仅是某些特殊形式的政府或党派统治会造成极权主义,就是一些特定的生产和分配的制度也可能造成极权主义,后者往往和党派和舆论“多元化”和“权力制衡”等兼容并存。 Today political power asserts itself through itspower over the machine process and over the technical organization of theapparatus. 今天,政治权力通过控制机械化的进程和技术机构的配置来维持自身的权威。 The government of advanced and advancingindustrial societies can maintain and secure itself only when it succeeds inmobilizing, organizing, and exploiting the technical, scientific, andmechanical productivity available to industrial civilization. 无论是发达还是正在发展中的工业社会的政府,只有在其能成功地召集、组织和扩展技术的、科学的和机械的产业并实现工业文明,才能维持和巩固自身的地位。 And this productivity mobilizes societyas a whole, above and beyond any particular individual or group interests. 在产能至上鼓动下的社会成为一个整体,凌驾于任何个人或团体的利益之上。 The brute fact that the machine'sphysical (only physical?) power surpasses that of the individual, and of anyparticular group of individuals, makes the machine the most effective politicalinstrument in any society whose basic organization is that of the machineprocess. 机器的物理(只有物理的?)性能超越于个人和团体这一残酷的事实,使得在任何一个以工业化进程为基础的社会里,机器成为了最有效的政治手段。 But the political trend may be reversed;essentially the power of the machineis only the stored-up and projected power of man. 然而,政治的趋势可以被扭转;本质上讲,机器的能力不过是人类能力的积累和推进。 To the extent to which the work world isconceived of as a machine and mechanized accordingly, it becomes the potentialbasis of a new freedom for man. 一定程度上讲,劳动领域被设想为一台不断机械化的机器,成为了人类新自由的潜在基础。 Contemporary industrial civilizationdemonstrates that it has reached the stage at which “the free society” can nolonger be adequately defined in the traditional terms of economic, political,and intellectual liberties, not because these liberties have becomeinsignificant, but because they are too significant to be confined within thetraditional forms. 当代工业文明证明,社会已经达到这样一个新的阶段:“自由社会”不再能用传统的经济自由、政治自由和思想自由来恰当地定义,不是因为这些自由已经微不足道,而是因为它们太重要而不能局限于传统的模式中。

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杰出人家
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