作者:
John Greville Agard Pocock 出版社: Princeton University Press 副标题: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition 出版年: 2003-1-27 页数: 640 定价: USD 39.95 装帧: Paperback ISBN: 9780691114729
"The Machiavellian Moment" is a classic study of the consequences for modern historical and social consciousness of the ideal of the classical republic revived by Machiavelli and other thinkers of Renaissance Italy. J.G.A. Pocock suggests that Machiavelli's prime emphasis was on the moment in which the republic confronts the problem of its own instability in time, and which he ...
"The Machiavellian Moment" is a classic study of the consequences for modern historical and social consciousness of the ideal of the classical republic revived by Machiavelli and other thinkers of Renaissance Italy. J.G.A. Pocock suggests that Machiavelli's prime emphasis was on the moment in which the republic confronts the problem of its own instability in time, and which he calls the "Machiavellian moment." After examining this problem in the thought of Machiavelli, Guicciardini, and Giannotti, Pocock turns to the revival of republican thought in Puritan England and in Revolutionary and Federalist America. He argues that the American Revolution can be considered the last great act of civic humanism of the Renaissance. He relates the origins of modern historicism to the clash between civic, Christian, and commercial values in the thought of the eighteenth century.
J. G. A. Pocock, is a historian of political thought. He is especially known for his studies of republicanism in the early modern period (especially in Europe, Britain, and America), his work on the history of English Common Law, his treatment of Edward Gibbon and other Enlightenment historians, and, in historical method, for his contributions to the history of political discou...
J. G. A. Pocock, is a historian of political thought. He is especially known for his studies of republicanism in the early modern period (especially in Europe, Britain, and America), his work on the history of English Common Law, his treatment of Edward Gibbon and other Enlightenment historians, and, in historical method, for his contributions to the history of political discourse.
共和主义部分地向着自由主义转变，也就是个人作为积极公民根据自己的标准参与公共事务的古典理论，向另一种理论的转变（或许未完成）：根据这种理论，个人主要是意识到自己的利益，参与通知是为了通过施压实现这种利益，他对政府作为中间人调和冲突——这边是全部共同利益之所在——的活动只有间接贡献。从这种意义上说，代议制民主包含着个人和“人民”双方的退却，他们都不再直接参与统治，其表现就是美德的衰落；但是他并不包含政治的沉寂或紧张程度的降低。（… a partial shift from republicanism to liberalism30—from, that is to say, the classical theory of the individual as civic and active being, directly participant in the res publica according to his measure, toward (if not fully reaching) a theory in which he appears as conscious chiefly of his interest and takes part in government in order to press for its realization, making only an indirect contribution to that mediating activity whereby government achieves a reconciliation of conflicts which is all the common good there is. In this sense, representative democracy involves a r... (查看原文)
约翰·波考克 作者
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1 有用 知止 2019-11-30 11:11:10
回过头来再读这本书，更强地感觉到了前三章编织理论的杰出才能和阿伦特的支配性影响。共和派始终无法表明，自己倡导的理想曾经在哪里转变成政治现实。在经验主义的亚里士多德、摆脱公共性的斯巴达和imperium-libertas对撞的罗马之间闪转腾挪，充分地暴露了共和派思想的含混。或许现代人的确有异常强的求新意识，而且其中不乏浪漫色彩的幻觉，但这终究不是完结在生存论行动，而是被波考克最早分析又最快放弃的gu... 回过头来再读这本书，更强地感觉到了前三章编织理论的杰出才能和阿伦特的支配性影响。共和派始终无法表明，自己倡导的理想曾经在哪里转变成政治现实。在经验主义的亚里士多德、摆脱公共性的斯巴达和imperium-libertas对撞的罗马之间闪转腾挪，充分地暴露了共和派思想的含混。或许现代人的确有异常强的求新意识，而且其中不乏浪漫色彩的幻觉，但这终究不是完结在生存论行动，而是被波考克最早分析又最快放弃的gubernaculum和现代主权国家中。这样看来，波考克并没有真正回应麦基文的忧虑，而是借着一个似是而非的亚里士多德轻巧地躲闪开去。如他所说，18世纪之后共和理想已经成为丧失活力的遗迹。除了作为缺乏现实感的反对派，他们在现代世界里找不到什么幸存的空间。 (展开)
0 有用 Kapitan正少年 2014-03-01 00:06:20
虽然很难读，但是真的是brilliant
0 有用 La Mandragore 2009-09-30 22:57:56
剑桥学派的学术功夫还是很不错的
1 有用 已注销 2017-06-19 14:29:48
威尼斯，英国，和十八世纪的美国重点看了，问题极度重要，而作者本身确实没有做透，这个问题直到现在都在拷问，罗马和文艺复兴的关系，犹太人和德意志的关系，甚至现在犹太和美利坚的关系，你们想过么，人真的发现了么
0 有用 huizhoumeng 2010-02-20 21:41:03
艰深难懂,仅选其中若干章阅读
0 有用 只在地球住几晚 2023-09-25 14:47:43 美国
Contextualism有一种奇妙又危险的吸引力，轻巧地在600页内从弗洛伦萨写到大西洋的另一边
0 有用 Vita Nova 2021-11-15 11:42:05
补标。
0 有用 小岛 2020-08-28 08:53:33
@2013-01-27 19:02:15
0 有用 拓尔思套 2019-12-05 14:44:38
更新了我对老马的无知
1 有用 知止 2019-11-30 11:11:10
回过头来再读这本书，更强地感觉到了前三章编织理论的杰出才能和阿伦特的支配性影响。共和派始终无法表明，自己倡导的理想曾经在哪里转变成政治现实。在经验主义的亚里士多德、摆脱公共性的斯巴达和imperium-libertas对撞的罗马之间闪转腾挪，充分地暴露了共和派思想的含混。或许现代人的确有异常强的求新意识，而且其中不乏浪漫色彩的幻觉，但这终究不是完结在生存论行动，而是被波考克最早分析又最快放弃的gu... 回过头来再读这本书，更强地感觉到了前三章编织理论的杰出才能和阿伦特的支配性影响。共和派始终无法表明，自己倡导的理想曾经在哪里转变成政治现实。在经验主义的亚里士多德、摆脱公共性的斯巴达和imperium-libertas对撞的罗马之间闪转腾挪，充分地暴露了共和派思想的含混。或许现代人的确有异常强的求新意识，而且其中不乏浪漫色彩的幻觉，但这终究不是完结在生存论行动，而是被波考克最早分析又最快放弃的gubernaculum和现代主权国家中。这样看来，波考克并没有真正回应麦基文的忧虑，而是借着一个似是而非的亚里士多德轻巧地躲闪开去。如他所说，18世纪之后共和理想已经成为丧失活力的遗迹。除了作为缺乏现实感的反对派，他们在现代世界里找不到什么幸存的空间。 (展开)