译自 Graeme Garrard :6 月 28 日 纪念卢梭诞辰 300 周年

景页再也不会
2012-06-10 看过
According to a popular legend the philosopher Immanuel Kant was so punctual that his neighbours would set their clocks by his daily constitutional. Allegedly, the only time he deviated from this rigid pattern was when he received a copy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s treatise on education, Emile (1762). The book so captivated him that he missed his afternoon walk for several days. Furthermore, the only piece of art that the austere Kant kept in his home was a portrait of Rousseau, which hung above his writing desk. He claimed that “Rousseau set me right” by teaching him to honour mankind.
据传,哲学家伊曼纽尔•康德作息极其规律,街坊四邻甚至依据他每天散步的时间对表。据传,这个严格保持的作息规律仅在康德阅读卢梭《爱弥尔》(1762)期间被打破。这本关于教育的专著强烈吸引着康德,连下午散步的习惯都忘了。不止如此,一生简朴的康德家中唯一一幅美术作品就是卢梭的画像,悬挂在写字桌上方。康德道:“卢梭矫正了我”,教会他尊重人类。

Another German philosopher, Friedrich Nietzsche, was not so impressed. At the end of the nineteenth century he denounced Rousseau as a tarantula who poisoned Kant with his moralising. This dim view of Rousseau’s legacy cast a long shadow over much of twentieth century ethics, particularly for a generation of liberals such as Isaiah Berlin, Karl Popper and Jacob Talmon, for whom Rousseau was a proponent of ‘totalitarian democracy’. However, in the four decades leading up to the 300th anniversary of his birth on the 28th June 2012, Rousseau’s reputation has waxed again, in conjunction with the growing sophistication of Rousseau scholarship.
弗里德里西•尼采,另一位德国哲学家,却对康德不以为意。十九世纪末,尼采将卢梭贬为一只毒害康德道德观的毒蜘蛛。这种消极对待卢梭价值的态度,给二十世纪的多数伦理学说投下长长的阴影,尤其是对自由主义一代,如Isaiah Berlin、Karl Popper 和 Jacob Talmon等人影响深重,他们视卢梭为“极权主义民主”的始作俑者。直到卢梭诞辰 300 周年—— 2012 年 6 月 28 日——前四十年间,卢梭思想研究才进一步深入,卢梭再度受到追捧。

When Rousseau arrived in Paris in 1742 he was a poor, unknown, unpublished, thirty-year-old Genevan with no job, relatively little formal education (although well-read), whose mother had died in childbirth, and whose watchmaker father had abandoned him when he was ten years old. By the time Rousseau died in 1778 he was a best-selling novelist, an extremely successful opera composer, the author of numerous books and essays on education, ethics, music, religion, language, political philosophy, political economy and even botany, the rival of Voltaire, erstwhile friend of Diderot, d’Alembert and Hume (all of whom eventually denounced him as mad, as did Nietzsche), and one of the most famous men in Europe. Before the end of the century, Rousseau’s body lay in the Panthéon in Paris, immediately opposite his arch-nemesis Voltaire, who died just over a month before him. It had been placed there by the Jacobins to honour a ‘father of the French Revolution’. By the twentieth century, Rousseau had been blamed for influencing if not actually causing romanticism, anarchism, nationalism and even totalitarianism. He remains one of the most important, influential, divisive and widely-read thinkers in the history of ideas.
1742 年,卢梭初到巴黎时,是个名不见经传的三十岁日内瓦穷小伙,没发表过作品,找不到工作,受过的正式教育少得可怜(但书读的可不少)。卢梭幼年丧母,十岁即被钟表匠父亲遗弃。 1778 年卢梭去世,生前在欧洲知名度极高,是畅销小说家,还是极成功的歌剧作曲家。卢梭著作等身,涵盖教育、伦理、音乐、宗教、语言、政治哲学、政治经济学、甚至植物学等各个领域。卢梭是伏尔泰的劲敌。卢梭是狄德罗、达朗贝尔、休谟的挚友(这些人最终都和尼采一样抨击他是疯子)。十八世纪末,卢梭躺进巴黎先贤祠内,恰恰就在宿敌伏尔泰对面,伏尔泰先于卢梭一个月前去世。卢梭的遗体得以安放于先贤祠中,是雅各宾派向这位“法国大革命之父”致敬。二十世纪前,世人批判卢梭,因为就算他没有事实上引发、也间接影响了浪漫主义、无政府主义、民族主义、甚至极权主义的产生。思想史上,卢梭仍是最重要、影响最大、最分裂、作品受众最多的思想家之一。


A Man of Paradoxes
悖论之人

Rousseau once described himself as a ‘man of paradoxes’, which is not difficult to believe of someone who famously claimed that it is sometimes necessary to force men to be free. Other evidence concurs. He wrote an influential treatise on education of the young, yet put all five of his children into a foundling home as soon as they were born (where probably most of them died). He claimed to have “the greatest aversion to revolutions,” yet inspired the leaders of the French Revolution, such as Robespierre and Saint-Just, who hailed him as their hero. Rousseau is commonly included among the leading philosophes of the eighteenth century Enlightenment, and contributed to the Encyclopédie, yet in his first major work he praised ignorance and argued that the cultivation of the arts and sciences is detrimental to morals. He is famous as a proponent of democracy, yet claimed in his main political work, The Social Contract (1762) that the only place where democracy had any realistic prospect in contemporary Europe was in remote Corsica. Many of his most fervent and devoted admirers while he was alive were women and aristocrats, yet he was deeply misogynistic, and professed to dislike and disapprove of wealthy ‘grandees’ (“I hate their rank, their hardness, their prejudices, their pettiness, and all their vices”). He was one of the most admired and mesmerisingly eloquent writers of his age, yet he had little formal education and married an illiterate seamstress. He was a best-selling author and composer, yet he wrote that “books are good for nothing” and admired ancient Sparta, which tolerated neither writing nor music.
卢梭曾自称“悖论之人”,联想他著名的观点“有时,有必要强迫人自由”,这个称呼就不难理解。还有其他佐证。卢梭曾写下有关年轻人教育问题的论文,影响深远,却把自己的五个孩子一出生就丢进孤儿院(大多死在那)。卢梭声称“极度厌恶革命”,却激发了法国大革命的领袖罗伯斯庇尔、茹思特,且均尊称他为英雄。卢梭常常被囊括进十八世纪启蒙运动哲学代表人物的行列,对《百科全书》的编写亦有贡献,但在首部重要作品中,卢梭赞颂的却是无知,直斥科学艺术的发展只会造成社会道德的堕落。卢梭因倡导民主而闻名,但在他的重要政治作品《社会契约》(1762)中,全欧洲民主最具现实意义的地方却是遥远的科西嘉。卢梭生前最热切、忠心的崇拜者是女性和贵族,但他本人却深深厌恶女性,并声称厌恶、反对权贵(“我憎恨他们的等级、他们的强硬态度、他们的偏见、他们的小气,他们全部的邪恶”)。卢梭是同时代最受推崇、经久难忘的流畅写手,他却没接受过几天正是教育,妻子是目不识丁的女裁缝。卢梭是畅销书作家、歌剧作曲家,却写下“书百无一用”这样的话,他崇尚的是容不下文字与音乐的古斯巴达。

Rousseau’s most successful opera, Le Devin du Village (The Village Soothsayer), was a huge hit when it was premiered in Paris in 1752, but it is almost never performed now. (Louis XV loved it, and wanted to offer its composer a lifetime pension, but Rousseau had fled, fearing that he might wet himself in the king’s presence owing to a disease of his bladder.) And Rousseau’s writings on music, extolling the virtues of Italian opera over French, are today known to only a few scholars. While his sentimental epistolary novel, Julie, or the New Héloïse (1761), was probably the biggest best-seller of the eighteenth century, it is now little read. Emile, which Rousseau described as the “best as well as the most important of the works I have written,” had a vast influence on the theory and practice of education. However, its controversial assumptions and prescriptions have long since been superceded by rival pedagogies. Yet Rousseau’s relevance endures despite all the changes which have made so much of what he did unfashionable to contemporary tastes. Many of his other works, above all in cultural anthropology and political philosophy, are classics that continue to resonate very powerfully with readers.
《乡村占卜师》是卢梭最成功的歌剧作品,1752 年首演时引发轰动,但现在已经没人演了。(路易十五深爱这部剧,本想给作曲家颁发终身津贴,不料卢梭却跑了,只因他膀胱有疾,担心在国王面前尿裤子。)在论及音乐的文章里,卢梭曾说意大利歌剧胜过法国歌剧,今天却鲜有人问津他这方面的成就。卢梭的感伤主义书信体小说《朱莉,或新爱洛伊斯》(1761)堪称十八世纪最畅销的小说,今人多不读。《爱弥尔》是卢梭眼中“我写过的最好亦是最重要的作品”,对教育理论和实践产生巨大影响。然而,保守的观点和方法长久以来被持相反观点的教育学家推翻。卢梭的影响随处可见、始终存在,不管他做过多少与时代品味相逆的事情。他的许多其他作品,以文化人类学和政治哲学方面为首,都是经典,在读者心中产生强有力的共鸣。

One such example is Rousseau’s Discourse on the Origins of Inequality (1755). Although it was not awarded first prize by the Academy of Dijon, for which it was written, it caused a sensation when it was published, and has had a huge and lasting impact on natural and social science. It begins with an account of man in a pre-social ‘state of nature’. This account, while speculative and hypothetical, was enormously influential on debates about human nature and the origins of social and political life at a time when there was very little empirical evidence on these subjects and the gap between science and political philosophy was far less broad than it is today. The Discourse’s idyllic picture of the original human beings as innocent, simple, happy, peaceful, isolated and benignly selfish prompted Voltaire sarcastically to thank Rousseau for his “new book against the human species.” The second part of the book sketches the advent of society, and with it the emergence of an aggressive form of selfishness (amour-propre) that has led to a Hobbesian war of all against all dominated by inequality, injustice and exploitation.
《论不平等的起源》(1755)就是这样的例子。这篇文章是卢梭为第戎科学院的征文大赛所作,虽与奖无缘,却一经发表就引发轩然大波,并给自然和社会科学留下重大、持久的影响。文章开始是一段关于人类在前社会“自然状态”的论述。在缺乏经验性证据的时代,自然科学和政治哲学之间的距离远没有今天这么宽,这段推理性、假说性的论述对关于人类本性和社会、政治生活的起源的辩论产生重大影响。《起源》描绘了衣服原始人类田园居的画面,人们天真、简单、快乐、和平、孤立、善意自私,伏尔泰看后不无嘲讽的感谢卢梭写了“一本反人类的新书”。《起源》的第二部分勾勒了社会产生之初攻击性的自私(自尊)出现了,引发霍布斯提出“所有人对所有人的战争”,那是不平等、非正义和剥削支配下的战争。


The Social Contract
社会契约

Rousseau’s Social Contract, published 250 years ago in April 1762, sets out a solution to the dilemma of civilisation posed in the Discourse. It was immediately condemned by the Paris Parlement, and placed on the Vatican’s Index of Forbidden Books, next to works by fellow philosophes such as Voltaire, Hume, Diderot, Montesquieu, and d’Alembert. (This did not prevent Voltaire from declaring that the ‘monster’ had brought all these troubles on himself.) No one was surprised by any of this, least of all Rousseau. But Rousseau was shocked and dismayed when the book was banned in his native Geneva. The authorities ordered it burned and its author arrested if he ever dared to set foot in the city again. This wounded Rousseau deeply, since he had always been a proud citizen of Geneva – he signed his books (including The Social Contract) ‘Citoyen de Genève’, and said to the Genovese that “I took your constitution as my model.” Rousseau blamed Voltaire, then resident in Geneva, for whipping up opposition to him in an unholy alliance with the religious bigots who dominated the city.
250 年前的1762 年 4 月,卢梭发表《社会契约论》发表,开始解救《论不平等的起源》中提出的文明困境。该书立即遭到巴黎最高法院的谴责,并被置于梵蒂冈《天主教禁书目录》之中,并列的还有伏尔泰、休谟、狄德罗、孟德斯鸠、阿朗贝尔等哲学家的著作。(但这并未让伏尔泰停止宣称这个“魔鬼”咎由自取)。没有人觉得意外,卢梭本人亦不意外。令卢梭震惊和沮丧的是,这本书在故乡日内瓦遭禁。卢梭素来以身为日内瓦公民为荣,他的每本书(包括《社会契约论》)都签着“日内瓦公民”,并对日内瓦人民说“我以你们的宪法为模板”,日内瓦的禁令深深伤了卢梭的心。他怪罪当时居住在日内瓦的伏尔泰,认为是伏尔泰与统治日内瓦的宗教顽固分子结成邪恶同盟,煽风点火,才让日内瓦人民如此反对自己。

The Social Contract was even proscribed in relatively liberal, tolerant Amsterdam. It seemed as though all of continental Europe – Catholics and Protestants, secularists and religious fanatics, Jesuits and Jansenists, philosophes and anti-philosophes – had united against Jean-Jacques, who was forced to flee. He even considered suicide. Rousseau’s desperation was so great that he actually moved to England, a nation he despised: “I have never liked England or the English,” he states in his Confessions (1770). In The Social Contract he had written that although England regards itself as free, “it is grossly mistaken; it is free only during the election of its Members of Parliament. As soon as they are elected, slavery overtakes it, and it is nothing.” Even so, the English gave Rousseau sanctuary when few others would, for which he displayed his characteristic ingratitude, as his friend David Hume was to discover to his amazement and disgust when Rousseau spurned the offer of a pension from King George III, just as he had done to Louis XV.
甚至连在相对自由、宽容的阿姆斯特丹,《社会契约论》也遭禁。整个欧洲大陆——天主教徒和新教徒、世俗之人和宗教人士、耶稣会士和冉森派、哲学家和反对哲学的人们——联手反对卢梭,令他不得不选择逃离。他甚至还想到过自杀。绝望如此深切,卢梭最终去往他鄙视的英国,“我从没喜欢过英国或英国人”,他在《忏悔录》(1770)中这样写道。在《社会契约论》中,卢梭说尽管英国自认是个自由国度,“大错特错;它只在议会成员选举期间是自由的,选举一结束,奴隶制就侵吞一切,自由无处可寻。”即便如此,给卢梭庇护的却是英国;即便如此,卢梭还是表现出他特有的忘恩负义,到英国不久后,友人休谟深感震惊、深恶痛绝——卢梭竟拒绝了英王乔治三世提供的抚恤金,正如他对路易十五做的那样。

The Social Contract is Rousseau’s most enduringly popular, widely-read and influential book. It ranks among the great classics of Western political philosophy, alongside Plato’s Republic, Aristotle’s Politics, Machiavelli’s The Prince, Hobbes’s Leviathan, Locke’s Two Treatises of Government, Marx’s Communist Manifesto and Mill’s On Liberty. It has been continuously in print for two and a half centuries, inspiring generations of democrats and radicals as much as it has infuriated and provoked traditionalists and conservatives. It is a unique blend of ancient and modern elements which is difficult to classify, and it has vexed its interpreters since it was published.
《社会契约论》是卢梭受欢迎最持久、受众最广、影响最强的著作。卢梭的《社会契约论》和柏拉图的《理想国》、亚里士多德的《政治学》、马基雅维利的《统治者》、霍布斯的《利维坦》、洛克的《政府论》、马克思的《共产党宣言》以及穆勒的《论自由》一并跻身西方政治哲学经典书籍之列。两个半世纪以来,《社会契约论》一印再印,激励着一代代民主主义者和激进派,激怒并挑衅着因循守旧者和保守派。在这里,古代和现代的元素独特地结合起来,形成难以归类的混合体,自问世起,令解读者伤透脑筋。

In it Rousseau argues that both the monarchical absolutism of France’s then ancien régime, and the enlightened despotism favoured by philosophes like Voltaire, are inconsistent with the ‘principles of political right’ (the book’s subtitle) which he sets out in the book. Rousseau started from the assumption made by many near-contemporary political thinkers, such as Hobbes and Locke, that political life is unnatural and must therefore be based on consent and human artifice. In this view he was fully modern; but his models of political consent were ancient Sparta and republican Rome, because he held they understood best how to generate a sense of public spirit, without which the general will essential to a well-functioning polity cannot be formed. He was thus a modern with the soul of an ancient who opposed liberalism with his own unique form of modernity.
是卢梭提出,不管是法国的旧政权君权专制,还是伏尔泰等哲学家亲睐有加的开明专制,都与《社会契约论》的副标题“政治权利原则”不一致。卢梭从许多近当代政治思想家的观点出发,如霍布斯和洛克,认为政治生活是非自然的,必须建立在同意和人为计谋智商。卢梭的这一观点实属现代;但他关于政治同意的模型却是古斯巴达和共和制罗马,因为他认为古斯巴达和共和制罗马最懂得怎样锻造出公德心。共同意志是保障政体发挥作用的关键,可是倘若缺乏公德心,共同意志是不可能形成的。

In the first line of the first chapter of The Social Contract Rousseau famously declares that “man is born free, and everywhere he is in chains.” Yet contrary to the claims of many writers (including Voltaire), it was never Rousseau’s intention to break the bonds of political life and return us to some idyllic pre-political state of nature. Rather, he shows how he thinks political bonds can be made legitimate – meaning that sovereign and subject are no longer alienated from each other. Such alienation is typical of despotic rule, where power is imposed by might rather than by right. Rousseau gave the name ‘citizen’ to those who help make the laws to which they are subject. By together making their own laws, each citizen “obeys no one but himself, and remains as free as before.” This Rousseau regarded as the only legitimate form of politics.
《社会契约论》开篇第一句:“人生而平等,但处处皆在枷锁中。”这是卢梭振聋发聩的宣言。与许多作家(伏尔泰)不同的是,卢梭从未想过挣脱政治生活的枷锁、回归前政治的自然状态。与之相反,卢梭向我们展示了他关于将政治枷锁合法化的设想——意即主权和国民不再彼此相疏远。在暴君统治社会,这种疏远尤其典型,赋予权力的不是正义而是权势。卢梭将“公民”这个名号给了那些协助制定法律、并受制于法律的人们。通过共同制定自己的法律,每个公民“除了自己,不听从任何人,和从前一样自由。”这是卢梭心中唯一合法的政治形式。

 According to Rousseau, then, sovereignty should reside with the people, in the form of the general will, which ought to be the source of the law’s legitimacy. The general will is not a mere aggregation of the wills of selfish individuals (which Rousseau called “the will of all”). Rather, the general will is formed when citizens ask themselves what is in the common interest rather than what is good for them specifically as individuals. However, Rousseau believed that such public-spiritedness is wholly unnatural, since we are naturally selfish creatures. It must therefore be cultivated artificially, by means of a set of institutions and practices whose purpose is to promote ‘sentiments of sociability’. The most notorious of these proposed institutions is what Rousseau calls the ‘civil religion’, which makes each individual love his duty to the polity more than to himself. Rousseau believed that Christianity is completely unsuited to this role, since it preaches “only servitude and submission.” In fact, he says that he knows “nothing more contrary to the social spirit” and “favourable to tyranny” than Christianity. Little wonder that The Social Contract was banned both in Calvinist Geneva and in Catholic Paris.
卢梭认为,主权应以共同意志的形式与人民同在,共同意志是法律合法性之源。共同意志不只是自私个体意志的聚合(卢梭称之为“众意”)。共同意志的产生应基于,公民自问什么是共同利益,而非什么对个体来说是好的。当然卢梭也知道这种公德心总体上说是非自然的,因为人类本质上都是自私的存在。公德心必须经人为培养,通过一整套机构、实践活动,培养“情绪社交性”。这些机构中最有名的是“公民宗教”,它将让公民爱上自己对政体的责任,远胜对自己的责任的爱。卢梭认为基督教完全担不起这一角色,因它“只宣扬奴性和恭顺。”。他亦有言,就他所知,没有什么比基督教更与公德心相悖、与暴政相合的了。

Another device that Rousseau says is necessary to induce naturally selfish individuals to think of the public good is what he calls ‘the legislator’. Such rare individuals (he mentions Moses and Lycurgus as examples) invoke the divine to persuade people to subordinate their particular interests to the common interest, this being a precondition for the sovereignty of the general will.
卢梭提出,另一个引导自私个体考虑公共利益的途径是“立法者”。这些稀有个体(卢梭提到摩西、莱克格斯)援引神性、劝说人们将具体的个人利益放在公共利益之下,这是公共意志实现统治的前提条件。


Legacies
遗产

Despite his reputation as a naïve idealist with both feet planted firmly in the clouds, Rousseau was keenly aware of just how unlikely it was that the political principles he prescribed in The Social Contract would ever be adopted under contemporary conditions. He thought they were only applicable in relatively small, cohesive city-states of the kind commonly found in ancient Greece; not the large, sophisticated nation-states of modern Europe. That is why it is very unlikely he would have endorsed the French Revolutionary attempt to implement his theories, had he lived to see it – even though he correctly predicted a coming age of revolutions which would engulf Europe.
尽管被视为“两脚坚定地植入云端的天真的理想主义者”,卢梭敏锐地知晓,写进《社会契约论》的政治原则是不可能在当代践行的。它们只可能适用于相对小、凝聚力强的城邦,像是古希腊城邦,却不适用于现代欧洲那样的大而复杂的民族国家。这就是为什么,就算活到了 1789 年,他也不可能支持法国大革命尝试实践他的理论——但卢梭的确洞若观火的预见了一个席卷整个欧洲的革命时代即将到来。

Whereas Thomas Jefferson believed that “the government that governs least governs best,” Rousseau set out to legitimate strong government rather than to limit it. Indeed, for Rousseau, to limit a legitimate government would be to limit political right itself, which is contrary to justice. His objection to Thomas Hobbes was not that Hobbes defended an absolute sovereign, it is that he defended an illegitimate sovereign. Yet the American Founding Fathers fundamentally mistrusted government, and therefore designed a political system that was deliberately weak and limited by ‘checks and balances’. This is why John Locke was a more important influence on the American Revolution than Rousseau, who inspired the French Revolutionaries.
托马斯•杰弗逊认为,“管的最少的政府是管的最好的政府”。卢梭却意欲将强硬派政府合法化、而非限制政府的权力。对卢梭来说,限制合法政府就是限制政治权利本身,与正义相悖。卢梭反对托马斯•霍布斯,反对的不是霍布斯对绝对主权的捍卫,而是他对非法主权的捍卫。但美国开国者从根儿上不信任政府,于是蓄意设计了一套软弱的政治系统,处处受“制约和平衡”的限制。从这个意义上说,尽管卢梭启发了法国大革命,在美国独立战争上却没有约翰•洛克的影响大。

The alienation Rousseau experienced from the enlightened civilisation in which he was immersed appears to have become complete in the last decade of his life, when he sought to escape from the company of men entirely, in an apparent effort to preserve his own integrity in an age of utter corruption. He had finally concluded that there is “no hope of remedies” and that the words ‘fatherland’ and ‘citizen’ should be “effaced from modern languages.” He ended his days in total resignation and pessimism. His last work, the unfinished Reveries of a Solitary Walker, was written in the two years before he died, and suggests his conclusion that escape from civilisation into rustic isolation is the only real option for the man of virtue. His strong identification with Socrates is also best understood in terms of his self-conception as a good man living in a wicked age, attacked and vilified by contemporaries blinded to his goodness by their own vice. In his late best-selling masterpiece The Confessions, a cry from the heart written during the troubled and difficult years following the publication of his Social Contract and Emile, Rousseau offers readers an irresistibly endearing and often shockingly frank self-portrait which inspired an entire generation of romantic writers when it was published posthumously.
卢梭在启蒙时代被排挤、疏远的经历,在生命的最后十年达到极致。他试图完全逃离人群,在深度腐化的时代保全一己清明。他已经断言“拯救无望”,“祖国”和“公民”此类字眼应“从现代语言中抹去”。他在彻底的弃绝和悲观中走完了生命的最后时光。最后一部作品,未完成的《孤独散步者的遐思》写于最后两年,阐明了他的结论——从文明中抽身、回归本初的孤独,才是有德之人唯一的出路。卢梭强烈认同苏格拉底,认定自己是一个活在坏世界中的好人,那些攻击、诋毁他的人,被他们自己的邪恶蒙住了双眼。在《社会契约论》和《爱弥尔》发表后,命途多舛的岁月里,卢梭将满心的呼喊写进《忏悔录》。这本发表于卢梭去世以后的畅销作品,以其震荡人心的坦诚自白激发了一整个时代的浪漫主义作家。

It is a very grave mistake to dismiss Rousseau’s ideas as the ravings of a lunatic, as so many of his enemies and detractors have done over the centuries. He was undoubtedly an eccentric and often very difficult character, prone to bouts of paranoia – although he was a paranoiac with many powerful enemies who actively persecuted him. But the power and eloquence of his writing have inspired many generations of the rebels, malcontents, misfits and outsiders who share his profound disquiet about the place of the individual in the modern age.
数百年来,卢梭的敌人将其思想贬斥为疯子的胡话,这是极其严重的错误。卢梭着实是个怪胎,个性难以相处,妄想症不时爆发——被迫害的“妄想”已被劲敌演成了现实。但卢梭用一本本坚强有力、明白晓畅的著作激励了一代代反叛分子、不满社会者、难以适应社会者、置身事外者,他们同卢梭一道,深刻的焦虑着个体在现代社会中究竟处于什么样的位置。
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