概述 —————— 建立王朝前的契丹 p51 文宗開成五年，回鶻汗國解體；武宗會昌二年，契丹首領屈戍斷絕與回鶻朝貢關係，再次附唐，并要求武宗的正式冊封。——之後，唐史中唐與契丹的記載；《遼史》提供了9世紀末統治契丹的遙輦可汗世系（自言不可信），及耶律阿保機所出的迭剌部世系表。 —————— 阿保機起而爭權(A-Pao-Chi's Rise to Power)的背景the real success of the early period of (Khitan's) expansion was perhaps their wide-ranging conquests in the steppe and later in Manchuria. (p53)
晚唐的實力衰減，邊鎮的強大和軍事化 —————— 阿保機的興起 —————— 阿保机称汗与登基 p.66 “A-pao-chi acted so cautiously toward Po-hai” 译注：明宗乃李克用养子，非庄宗养子。 神册五年（p.62 n.15“some scholars claim were invented later”）颁布第一种契丹文字“大字”。 天赞四年（p.62 n.15“some scholars claim were invented later”）迭剌接待回鹘使者（拼音文字），发明“小字” —————— 继承危机与太宗朝 p71 南唐与契丹联系，期结成反后晋的联盟（译注：原书误作“后唐”） 会同十年，克开封，灭后晋——p74Never again would a Liao emperor seriously plan a campaign of conquest in China.
—————— 世宗继位Although the empress (应天皇太后) lost, the Khitan principle of "electing" a suitable condidate was what swayed the decision. (耶律阮 vs 李胡)
天禄二年，太宗三子（译注：非次子）天德密谋杀害皇帝，事败。 —————— 统治制度(Government Institutions)的发展 皇太后属北面官，着契丹服。Clearly the officials of the Northern Administration by virtue of their constant access to the emperor, enjoyed for greater real power than did those of Southern Administration.<原文开始> Thus the Southern Administration was essentially an executive organization for the southern areas and their settled population...routine decision making and all military authority (southern officials were specifically excluded from decisions on military affairs at court) were concentrated in the emperor's Khitan entourage drawn from the Northern Administration.</原文结束>
—————— 与中国境内诸国的关系 —————— 穆宗朝，951-969 “睡君”toward the end of his reign, he ordered one of his great ministers not to execute the sentences he passed when he was drunk but to let him review them when he had sobered up. (p82)
—————— 景宗朝，969-982年：与宋朝对抗 译注：大保九年，南唐灭楚；宋不可能乾德元年再灭一次。 —————— 承天皇太后摄政(Regency) 译注：统和十一年，室昉被任命为荣誉性的中京留守（实际上可能是南京留守），而非“the supreme capital”(p.88) 《辽史》：“圣宗称辽盛主，后教训为多。” —————— 朝政的变化 ——考试(examination)制度 ——历史记录的系统保存 ——法律编撰 ——国家与农业 ——道路 ——赋税 p95-96It seems certain, however, that most of the government's regular revenues were levied on the settled population of the Southern Capital circuit(p94 南京道), where there were more tax collectors than in all the Khitan territories...Labor services on the Chinese population seem to have followed no regular pattern, but manpower was mobilized ad hoc, sometimes with little regard to the annual pattern of agricultural work. …… ……(since 1005) The annual subsidy paid by the Sung government was the equivalent of a considerable proportion of the Liao's total revenues. But in the new few years new trade taxes were imposed, and the extraordinary levies continued.
——货币 p96 严重依赖中原进口（胡峤：景宗朝，京城也以丝作为流通的重要手段）；乾亨四年（景宗晚期）发行乾亨通宝，才开始钱币的流通和正式铸造。By 1055 a crisis in the supply of money seems to have developed...By the 1070s the traditional official reactions to a cash shortage...begin to appear...By the early 12th century, government expenditures began to far outstrip both revenue and the production of coin, and the dynasty ended with a serious money shortage.(p.97)
——中京的建立与奚的最后归并 p.98（中京's）establishiment finally brought 奚 into the Khitan state, and from the 11th century onward they appear less and less frequently in our sources as a separate people.
—————— 对外关系 ——与宋的重新敌对,986年 ——辽与高丽的关系 p.103-4The Sung emperors were thus building on potent real sentiments when in 985 they attempted to enlist 고려 as an ally in defending a common cultural heritage. Neither party, however, was willing to put its alliance to the test... ... ...During the wars of 999-1000 and 1004 there was no question of the 고려-Sung alliance's being revived: In each case the 고려 king formally congratulated the Liao court on its victories over the Sung.
——對宋戰爭 ——檀淵之盟，1004年The arrangement was thus a good bargain for both parties. The Sung ensured lasting peace at a modest price. (歲幣並非宋之負擔，且宋從與遼貿易中獲得不少盈餘以彌補損失) The Khitan acquired a steady source of additional revenue and were able to reduce their southern border defenses to some degree and to concentrate on internal developments.
——與高麗重新開戰，1011-1019年 ——渤海叛亂，1029年 ———————— 興宗朝 p116（重熙五年頒佈的《新訂條制》）left unresolved many anomalies between Chinese written law and tribal custom. Signs of opposition to the increasing sinification of law and to the favorable treatment enjoyed by the Chinese element of the population under both 圣宗 and the new emperor began to appear.
——興宗時的對外關係 契丹的西擴：與遼在向西貿易路線上的衝突。 ———————— 道宗朝 p126-127Tensions over the application of Chinese-style law on the Khitan subjects of Liao surfaced again early in the reign. In 1058,..Once again tribal justice was placed under the scrutiny of Chinese-style local administration.
——1063年重元的叛亂 ——耶律乙辛及其集團的統治乙辛's rapid rise to power coincided with the decline of the junior patriarchal line (少父帳) of the 蕭 consort clan, which had held great influence ever since 蕭排押 became northern prime minister in 1005... (欽哀皇太后's) death in 1058 marked the rea end of their dominance.(p.129)
咸雍六年，道宗“以契丹漢人風俗不同，國法不可異施，於是命惕隐（典族屬官，即宗正職也）（耶律）苏、枢密使乙辛等更定条制。”p.131:This revision was a reversal of earlier attempts to produce a universally acceptable cod heavily influenced by Chinese parterns. The new laws attempted to define and preserve the traditional differences between Khitan and Chinese customs...so complicated and so far out of step with actual practice that they proved unenforceable.
大安五年，新法廢除，重新啟用重熙五年法典。 ——自然災害 ——處死皇后和謀害皇太子 ——乙辛的覆滅 p.138道宗's real problems were with the tribal peoples of the northern and northwestern frontiers.
——阻卜戰爭，1092-1102年 p139the last military victory of the Khitan
———————— 天祚帝朝於遼的衰落（collapse） ——與女真的戰爭 ——耶律章奴叛亂與渤海人起義 ——流產的和平談判，1118-1120年 ——重新開戰，1120年 ——宋朝的捲入 ———————— 最後的災難 譯注：天慶八年/天輔二年，天祚帝冊封阿骨打“東懷國皇帝”，而非“東海王”。 天會三年，天祚帝與應州被俘，p151-3:marked the end of the Liao, but not that of an independent Khitan nation... ...An expedition launched against Chin in 1134 ended in a complete fiasco, and this convinced (耶律)大石 of the futility of his attempts to restore Liao rule over its former territories. Thenceforward the history of 西辽（哈剌black契丹）was associated with 中亚 and not China and is recorded almost exclusively in Arabic and Persian sources.